GE2025: Unwavering, steady messaging pays off for PM Wong and PAP

Follow our live coverage here.

SINGAPORE – Historically, the PAP’s national vote share dips after a new prime minister takes office, but Prime Minister Lawrence Wong reversed the trend by securing a clear – and unexpected – mandate of 65.57 per cent on May 3.

When Mr Lee Hsien Loong led the PAP into battle for the first time in 2006, the party’s vote share slipped nearly 9 percentage points, even if it was from the anomalous result of the 2001 polls, called weeks after the Sept 11, 2001 terror attacks in America.

The PAP vote share also fell in 1991, which was Mr Goh Chok Tong’s first general election as prime minister.

In contrast, in 2025, PM Wong improved on the ruling party’s 2020 vote share of 61.23 per cent.

What explains the electorate’s huge swing in the PAP’s favour this year?

Part of the answer lies in the PAP’s characterisation of what was at stake. Throughout the nine-day campaign, PM Wong

remained unwavering in his appeal

: Vote for us to give Singapore its best shot at navigating a turbulent world.

His steady, consistent messaging set the tone. Rather than being forced to debunk opposition narratives – as it had in 2020 with the WP’s successful call for “no blank cheque” – the PAP seized the initiative from the beginning and never let go.

During the hustings, the WP

repeatedly questioned Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong’s value

to the PAP’s leadership team. But the ruling party’s performance in Punggol GRC, where Mr Gan won with 55.17 per cent of the vote, shows that these attempts to undermine the PAP’s narrative did not quite stick.

Even so, the PAP’s message would have resonated with the discerning Singaporean electorate only if voters believed the ruling party could deliver on its promises in a crisis.

Some voters may have had on their minds the PAP’s track record during the Covid-19 pandemic when they went to the ballot box.

During the election campaign, opposition parties hit out at what they framed as the PAP’s biggest missteps in the past term of government. The goods and services tax hike, which the opposition said contributed to higher living costs, and public housing affordability, were among them.

These concerns resonated with many Singaporeans, but in acknowledging these issues and taking steps to fix them, the PAP could have blunted the edge of voter dissatisfaction and shown that it is not impervious to constructive feedback.

Significant policy moves made in the past five years include a new classification system for Build-To-Order flats aimed at keeping public housing affordable and the system fair for all.

More help is on the way for young parents, with the total amount of government-paid parental leave going up to 30 weeks by April 1, 2026.

PM Wong, who is also Finance Minister,

rolled out extensive Budget measures

in recent years to soften the bite of higher prices.

And the ruling party has indicated its willingness to break new ground, for instance, in studying the possibility of using nuclear power as an energy source.

There remain questions to be answered on many issues but the PAP’s responsiveness and moves to give ordinary citizens an avenue to give input on policy priorities appears to have paid off at the polls.

The essence of the fourth-generation leadership’s approach is captured by its 2023 Forward Singapore report – a blueprint for the next phase of Singapore’s growth drawn up after consultations with more than 200,000 citizens.

The exercise showed how the PAP government was making more of an effort to move away from its traditional top-down approach – often criticised for being inflexible and out of step with concerns on the ground.

Another point that may have counted in the PAP’s favour is that it ran a relatively clean campaign.

Two incidents that emerged in the past term of government –

the conviction of WP chief Pritam Singh

for lying to a parliamentary committee, as well as

an extramarital affair

between two former WP members – received a thorough airing at the time.

Pundits speculated that both incidents could hurt the WP at the polls.

But the PAP raised neither issue and stayed its hand from launching a smear campaign.

Instead, it hit the opposition on policy matters and stuck to its core message of building a strong team for a good government.

Even so,

the razor-thin margin in Jalan Kayu

suggests that voters were sending the ruling party a message: It is not just about the party symbol – who you field matters.

In Jalan Kayu,

labour chief Ng Chee Meng

, 56, fought his third electoral battle – his first time contesting a single seat – and went up against

WP candidate Andre Low

, a 33-year-old political rookie.

Yet, it was not the gap in age or experience that dominated the battle for Jalan Kayu. Instead,

the aborted sale of NTUC’s Income Insurance

to German insurer Allianz in 2024 took centre stage.

During the campaign, the WP raised questions about how Mr Ng and the PAP government handled the deal. In its view, the Income-Allianz deal – which ultimately fell through – hinted at a more fundamental problem: tripartism in Singapore and the symbiotic relationship between the National Trades Union Congress (NTUC) and PAP.

Mr Ng took the view that NTUC first believed the deal to be reasonable, given the need to strengthen Income against falling market share, but added that it has humbly acknowledged the public feedback, and will “learn the right lessons” from the incident.

The close fight in Jalan Kayu shows that voters were not entirely satisfied with the answers offered, and placed a premium on accountability.

For the PAP to successfully beat back a renewed challenge from the opposition – which is sure to come in the next general election – it will be imperative that it tackles such issues better.