Could Michelle Obama run for US president in 2028?
The Democratic Party bench is deep and an answer to who its nominee is won’t emerge until much later.
Sign up now: Get ST's newsletters delivered to your inbox
Former US first lady Michelle Obama would be a formidable candidate, but she has said she will not run for presidency.
PHOTO: AFP
Steven R. Okun and Thurgood Marshall Jr
Last week, former US first lady Michelle Obama took the stage at the Obama Presidential Library – and within hours, speculation began once more about whether she might finally enter the race for US president.
It is a ritual by now. Each rare occasion she gives a speech, Democrats swoon. Few people connect so meaningfully to the party and to independents alike. And then the rumour mill swirls over whether she might run.
Part of this appeal can also be explained by Barack Obama remaining – by far – the most favourably viewed living United States president by many Americans, according to a CNN poll.
Many in the US Democratic Party base believe that US President Donald Trump has caused real damage to the country, that the party has not fought back hard enough, and that no one in the current field can meet the moment.
Odds are Michelle Obama would indeed be a formidable candidate. But political observers need to understand two realities: There are many potential candidates who can lead the Democratic Party to victory in 2028, and Obama herself will not run.
She won’t run
The former first lady has said, repeatedly and without ambiguity, that she will not run. “When people ask me, would I ever run? The answer is no,” she said recently. “Question asked and answered – never gonna happen.”
If she truly wanted to be president, a path exists. Hillary Clinton prepared methodically for her run. After departing the White House as first lady, she moved to a state she had never lived in to run for Senate, followed by a presidential campaign, a secretary of state appointment and then another presidential campaign.
But unlike Hillary, Michelle has not taken a single step down this road. Her years in the White House were spent in part protecting her daughters from an institution that consumes families. “Not only am I not interested in politics in that way,” she has said, “but the thought of putting my girls back into that spotlight when they are just now establishing themselves... I think we’ve done enough.”
Take that mother’s answer to a perennial question as final. Still, the Michelle fantasy endures because the Democrats have no official face, no single voice and no cohesive strategy to stand up to Trump. The party, admittedly, can look weak and disorganised from the outside.
Falling out of power
But the reality is that the US political system is just not designed for the party out of power to have a singular leader. And the process for picking a presidential nominee does not really start until after the midterms.
In the US, if you want to be a Democrat or a Republican, all you have to do is say you are one, register and then vote in the primary elections.
For 2028, the process for Democrats starts wide open, and that helps the party develop a national profile and enables hopefuls to test the ground.
California Governor Gavin Newsom has been fighting and trolling President Trump on social media. Arizona Senator Mark Kelly has been litigating against War Secretary Pete Hegseth in the courts, after Hegseth tried to strip Kelly of his military pension for telling US troops not to obey unlawful orders. These Democrats have been anything but meek.
Others stay behind the scenes, quietly doing the rounds in low-profile visits to key states and with groups that could provide key grassroots support. Former US ambassador to Japan Rahm Emanuel and Governor of Kentucky Andy Beshear are two of many who fall into this category. These do not generate headlines, but playing the inside game matters.
These efforts have also got the right kind of attention. People with serious influence such as James Carville, Ed Luce of The Financial Times and David Brooks of The New York Times have nodded at Emanuel’s forthrightness about the Democratic Party’s shortcomings and for his moderate positioning.
Better positioned for the next race
So, where does that leave the party heading into 2028? Better positioned than the Michelle fixation suggests. Democrats arguably have their strongest and deepest bench in years – moderates and progressives, governors and senators, men and women, from every region of the country.
Anyone claiming certainty about the 2028 nominee – or even who will be in the top tier – will probably be wrong. History offers a useful corrective to anyone who thinks he or she knows how this plays out: In July 2006, Barack Obama did not crack the top 13 in Democratic primary polling.
With a field this large and the need for stamina, there will be early flame-outs. Think of General Wesley Clark in 2004. Or Senator Kamala Harris, who entered the 2020 race on a calendar seemingly designed to favour a California candidate, then dropped out of the primary before a single vote was cast.
The Republicans had Fred Thompson in 2008, who entered the race with maximum hype, being a former Senator and Hollywood actor. He did not win a single primary and dropped out in January that year. As political consultant Mike Murphy said, watching Thompson campaign was “like watching a big bear stand up and try to dance on ice”. Some of today’s next great things may go down this same path over the next two years.
Another mistake many observers make is to focus on initial fund raising. In 1996, Texas Senator Phil Gramm boasted of assembling the best-financed and best-organised campaign. But he never won a primary. Yes, money matters. But candidate quality counts for more.
Another example: The record-breaking US$2.15 billion (S$2.78 billion) spent by vice-president Harris and the Democratic Party in 2025 did not beat Trump.
The midterms will alter the landscape
The political environment will also be very different six months from now, following the coming November midterm elections.
“The Democrats have good prospects for the midterms,” Mike McCurry, White House press secretary under Bill Clinton and a veteran of numerous Democratic presidential campaigns, told us. If they win the House or Senate, the party will have a chance to use congressional power to check Trump.
“After the midterms, then it’s off to the races. Democrats have some very good candidates. Two or three will survive the primary gauntlet and then new leadership emerges,” McCurry added.
He paused, then smiled. “Let the good times roll. The other side has its own predicament.”
Speaking of which, the Republicans have their own messy process to choose the next nominee. The Democrat best positioned to win could be very different if the Republicans nominate an outsider versus someone from the current administration, such as Vice-President J.D. Vance or Secretary of State Marco Rubio, each of whom would be tied to the unpopular incumbent. Harris herself was tied to US President Joe Biden and his unfavourability.
Democrats will consider the quadrennial question of whether the time or the moment tips the scales in favour of some or all of the following personal factors of the party’s US presidential nominee: region, Washington veteran versus outsider, government or private sector experience.
With Biden being the notable exception in 2020, outsider candidates without Washington experience often appeal more to an electorate looking for change. Expect that to hold true in 2028 – unless it does not.
As candidates begin positioning for campaigns that will not start in earnest until 2027, while we do not know who will emerge as the Democratic Party’s nominee, we do know this: It is not going to be Michelle Obama.
In the meantime, as the silent primary takes shape, do not waste time prognosticating about Democrats’ chances. You are better off watching the World Cup.
Steven R. Okun and Thurgood Marshall Jr served in the Clinton administration as deputy general counsel at the Department of Transportation and White House Cabinet secretary, respectively. Okun serves as chief executive of APAC Advisors in Singapore. Marshall practises law in Washington.

