The Asian Voice

The myth of Indian nationalism: Statesman contributor

In his article, the author cautions about nationalism being used in the wrong context.

Students hold Indian flags as they take part in an event in Amritsar, India. PHOTO: EPA-EFE

NEW DELHI (THE STATESMAN/ASIA NEWS NETWORK) - The virulent propagation of nationalism in the wake of the Pulwama outrage reminds me of Arthur Schopenhauer's prophetic words in Essays and Aphorisms:

"Every miserable fool who has nothing at all of which he can be proud, adopts as a last resource pride in the nation to which he belongs; he is ready and happy to defend all its faults and follies tooth and nail, thus reimbursing himself for his own inferiority."

Nationalism in its widest sense creates an unreal vision of oneness of religion, language and literature, indeed culture, caste, creed and territorial definition of a geographical area; those that do not comply are outlanders, fit for extermination.

By its inherent machismo, nationalism is misogynist, brazenly racist and sectarian and often fatally violent, if we recount the persecution of Jews and Armenians. There is nothing wrong in possessing a sense of national pride.

Nationalism presupposes the unification of people within a defined territorial jurisdiction, indeed people who are proud of their achievements in all walks of life. A belief they believe, or are made to believe by manipulative politicians, that ought to be propagated within and beyond a nation's domestic frontiers.

National self-respect, as defined by avaricious politicians, is but a continuation of this inherent belief in "superiority" that holds alternatives in utter contempt.

Violation of national boundaries of nation-states certainly merits the strongest defensive reaction.

However, when that is imbued by politicians with undue nationalistic fervour, it is projected as a national obsession.

Dovetailing of domestic compulsions with foreign policy is often a cyanide-laden cocktail, as Germany, Italy and Japan disastrously consumed in World War II. Yet these nations rose from the ashes like the Phoenix in the next 75 years, about the same as India's independent existence.

The war efforts of Germany and Japan, their quantum advances in military and scientific technology, education, health, employment, industrial production, etc, justifiably created the aura of invincible nationalism.

For a decent job, a roof over the head and a better life, personal liberty and economic fortunes could be momentarily mortgaged. Nazi Germany fulfilled nearly all their promises in just six years (1933-39).

However, what of India?

How many "nationalists" have heard of Ram Mohan Roy's successful efforts to ban sati and child marriage (in tandem with the British Governor-General William Bentinck)?

Remember Bhagat Singh but forget Savitribai Phule or Pritilata Wadedar, that it was the German and British Indologists like William Jones, James Prinsep and Max Mueller that broadcast India's rich cultural heritage to the world and whose sterling contributions remain firmly etched in world history and institutions like the Asiatic Society and the Indian Museum.

Likewise, how many of us are able to recite Bankim Chatterjee's Bande Mataram with its Sanskrit intonations, or know that only the first verse of Tagore's Jana Gana Mana was adopted for our national anthem or that the first design of our national flag was crafted by a Mumbai-based Parsi woman called Madam Cama in 1907? The Parsis originated in Persia.

How many of us have heard of Dwijendralal Roy, Kazi Nazrul Islam, Saadat Hassan Manto, and a myriad other littérateurs whose songs and books ratcheted up nationalistic support against the oppressive coloniser?

Similarly, how many have heard of Anandibai Gopalrao Joshi and Kadambini Ganguly, India's first women doctors in the late 19th century?

Or the Boroline - the cream that we use even today-a product of the freedom movement? Or that those who slaughter our animals are Muslims, the tanners are Hindus and traders Gujarati Hindus?

The list of India's unknown heroes and heroines whose cumulative sacrifices won our freedom from colonial yoke is worn by every Indian on his/her sleeve.

Being Hindu is one thing; to imbibe and propagate the inclusivity of Hinduism (as distinct from an aberrant Hindutva) and economic and social progress are the unique and stellar tests of nationalism, as much as it is the constitutional duty of a government to assure India's cosmopolitan view of life.

Has prosperity reached our shores that it should trigger our existing sense of nationalism, indeed our national pride?

The Global Hunger Report 2017 gives India a score of 31.4, neighbouring Bangladesh scoring higher at 26.40 and Nepal at 22.

Hunger had its invariable fallout on labour productivity.

In 1990, India's land productivity at 719 was higher than China's 457 while the figures for labour productivity were 624 and 472 respectively. India retained its land productivity till 2013 but its labour productivity was bested by China with a figure of 1,128 against India's 951.

Overall, India ranked 97th out of 118 in the Global Hunger Index, indeed an abomination for one of the world's largest economies.

With rising imports of several agricultural commodities, expenditure on agriculture to agricultural GDP in 2014 was a negligible 5.94 percent when compared to China's 23.56 percent.

Even Bangladesh spent 11.08 percent. China spent 0.62 percent on agriculture as a percentage of agricultural GDP against India's abysmal 0.31 percent on agricultural R&D.

India overtaking France to emerge as the world's sixth largest economy recently only reflects the success of crony capitalism and consolidation of oligarchies, via their networks, not a square meal for an indigent Indian. Nor is purchasing power parity a lesser evil.

Where the rule of law becomes dysfunctional, different sets of laws apply to the privileged and the unprivileged.

Democracy ceases to exist when the life, liberty and property of citizens are insecure; the distinction between a vendor and the state vanishes; poverty mitigation creates billionaires while the indigent masses remain deprived; and the crassest opportunism, corruption and nepotism become alibis for elections and governance.

The lines of distinction between the Left, the Right and the Socialist-Liberals are obliterated by their gross political opportunism.

Conscience is reduced to irrelevance in the opportunistic games of thrones. All proclamations of democracy are specious, yet remain the most potent and camouflaged instrument for oppression of unquestioning Indians.

That is when democracy is reduced to a mockery.

The third stanza of TS Eliot's The Hollow Men aptly portrays the Indian landscape:

This is the dead land / This is cactus land / Here the stone images / Are raised, here they receive / The supplication of a dead man's hand / Under the twinkle of a fading star.

Indians are justifiably proud of their rich heritage and are fiercely loyal to the country.

We won our democracy after a 200-year struggle and the number of people who died is not far less than the combined body count for the two World Wars.

The preservation of a democratic and inclusive nation is not something that is negotiable against "nationalistic" and cowardly politics of corruption and self-aggrandisement that is the surest sign of being anti-national, harking back to Schopenhauer's prophetic words.

The author is an Indian public policy analyst and commentator. The Statesman is a member of The Straits Times media partner Asia News Network, an alliance of 23 news media entities.

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