Beijing using its more militarised coast guard like a navy, setting off arms race

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The coast guard competition now emerging in Asia began with China’s push to become what it called a “maritime great power”.

The coast guard competition now emerging in Asia began with China’s push to become what it called a “maritime great power”.

PHOTO: NYTIMES

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Seeking to dominate the strategic waterways of Asia, China has deployed an armada of boats that are equipped with 76mm cannons and anti-ship missiles, and are bigger than US Navy destroyers.

But they are not Chinese navy vessels. Their hulls are painted white, with “China Coast Guard” in block letters on the sides.

In just a decade, China has amassed the world’s largest coast guard fleet, and it is like no other. More militarised, more aggressive in international disputes and less concerned with the usual missions of policing smugglers or search and rescue, the Chinese force has upended 200 years of global coast guard tradition.

It has also set off an arms race.

Powering into a grey zone between law enforcement and naval power, Beijing has targeted rivals with ships that can easily sink the vessels most coast guards have used for decades.

And in response, other countries that fear Chinese encroachment are rushing to deploy bigger, more heavily armed patrol boats of their own. The waters around Taiwan, the self-governed island China claims as its own, are one potential battleground.

But with coast guard standoffs quietly escalating around the region, officials and analysts increasingly worry about a rising threat: an accident or violent skirmish anywhere in the vast area that China’s coast guard roams, which could ignite a broader conflict, even a war between major powers.

From March 30 to April 2, a squadron of Chinese coast guard ships circled the contested islands that Japan calls the Senkakus for 80 hours and 36 minutes – China’s longest-ever stay, according to maritime data.

Japan later announced a plan to upgrade its coast guard and fold it into the Ministry of Defence.

Two more recent incidents also point to new levels of Chinese assertiveness and regional risk:

  • Starting around April 8, Chinese patrol ships crowded near Taiwan, threatening for the first time to stop and search Taiwanese vessels during Chinese military drills prompted by a meeting between President Tsai Ing-wen and US House Speaker Kevin McCarthy. Taiwan is now developing plans to pierce any future blockades while hardening its own coast guard.

  • On April 23, near a disputed shoal in the South China Sea, one of China’s large cutters manoeuvred into the path of a much smaller Philippine patrol boat, forcing its captain to throw its engines into reverse to avoid a collision. A few days later, the United States promised to give the Philippines six new upgraded patrol vessels.

Military muscle

These altercations – along with additional Chinese incursions near Vietnam and the Pacific Island country of Palau in May and June – fit a pattern of intensifying tensions, marking a major shift in how nations claim territory and protect their interests in the world’s oceans.

Coast guards that once acted as watchful eyes and helping hands have become more like navies, drawn into Asia’s geopolitics and deployed as military muscle in waterways that are vital for shipping and natural resources.

From ports in southern China and Taiwan to US bases in Guam, white-hulled coast guard vessels are getting longer and heavier, or smaller and faster.

Workers repair a coast guard patrol boat whose nose had been sheared off at sea by a Chinese ship off Taiwan in 2022.

PHOTO: NYTIMES

Their guns are also getting bigger, or they are being built to allow for complex weapons systems to be bolted on at a moment’s notice.

And the region’s coast guards are working more closely with defence planners, putting them at the vanguard of broader contests in the Indo-Pacific over economic and military power.

“This is not how it was 10 years ago,” said Mr John Bradford, a retired US Navy commander and senior fellow in the Maritime Security Programme at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore. “Many countries across the region have started using their coast guards to assert sovereignty.”

“The idea,” he added, “is that it’s more effective because you’re less likely to push up the escalation ladder because they are lightly armed. But when a coast guard vessel gets missiles on it, how is it different from a navy vessel except for the colour of the paint on the hull?”

‘Maritime great power’

The coast guard competition now emerging in Asia began with China’s push to become what it called a “maritime great power”.

That phrase, setting out a national priority, appears in Chinese government documents as far back as 2000, with a definition that includes naval power, fishing prowess, environmental protection and the advancement of territorial claims.

The coast guard’s leading role was solidified in 2013 under Mr Xi Jinping, who, in his first year as China’s leader, created the seagoing force by consolidating five agencies.

The coast guard, in China’s eyes, would be a pillar of its rejuvenation as a world power because it would help Beijing control important waterways (and their fishing and mining riches) without spurring a military response from countries flummoxed by the fleet’s not-quite-military heft.

What followed were dozens of confrontations confirming that China’s coast guard – often working with a militia of fishing and other kinds of vessels – could patrol, prod and intimidate rivals with near impunity.

In 2013, there were several tense standoffs in the South China Sea between Chinese coast guard vessels and Filipino troops occupying a World War II-era ship called the Sierra Madre.

In 2014, in the same sea off the coast of Vietnam, a Chinese coast guard ship rammed a Vietnamese coast guard vessel after Vietnam tried to stop China from building an oil rig in contested waters.

In 2016, China’s coast guard rammed free a fishing boat that had been seized by Indonesian authorities.

Use of lethal force

More recently, China has expanded both the mission and the fighting capacity of its fleet.

A 2021 law grants its coast guard – which falls under military control – the right to use lethal force against foreign ships in waters that Beijing claims, including the South China Sea, where it has built forward operating bases on artificial islands.

Regional experts say the provisions violate international law by allowing China’s coast guard, without declaring war, to engage in warlike behaviour beyond its national jurisdiction.

And its boats increasingly have the power to do so. China now has around 150 large coast guard patrol ships of at least 1,000 tonnes, compared with roughly 70 for Japan, 60 for the US and just a handful for most countries in Asia. The Philippines has 25 patrol ships to deploy in the South China Sea. Taiwan’s coast guard consists of 23 boats, according to US officials.

The Philippines has 25 patrol ships to deploy in the South China Sea.

PHOTO: AFP

Many of China’s coast guard vessels are former navy corvettes, capable of long-endurance operations and equipped with helicopter pads, powerful water cannons and guns the same calibre as those on an M1 Abrams tank. According to the most recent Defence Department report on China’s military, 85 of its coast guard vessels carry anti-ship cruise missiles.

The US and Australia have become more active in the Pacific with gifts of patrol boats, new maritime surveillance centres and, for the Americans, a new generation of larger Coast Guard cutters and patrol agreements with several countries – adding Papua New Guinea just in recent weeks.

The US is also now

working more closely with Japan and the Philippines

in the South China Sea, conducting joint coast guard training exercises in the Philippines in 2022 and again this June, drawing complaints from Beijing.

“The coast guards and different nations in the region are maturing,” said Vice-Admiral Andrew Tiongson, the US Coast Guard’s Pacific Area commander. “I think they’re maturing out of necessity.”

Collisions and near misses

Nowhere is that dynamic more obvious than in the Taiwan Strait and the shipyards of southern Taiwan.

On an island at the centre of regional anxieties, Taiwan’s coast guard is expanding far more rapidly than its navy while confronting almost daily challenges from China.

On one recent visit to an industrial area just outside the port of Kaohsiung, workers put the final touches on repairs for a coast guard patrol boat whose nose had been sheared off at sea.

“A Chinese ship hit this boat and broke right through it,” said Mr Hun Yenlu, a former Taiwanese navy officer who runs Karmin International, a company that builds and repairs Taiwanese coast guard vessels.

A few weeks earlier, he said, the patrol boat – an 11m rigid inflatable, similar to assault craft used by US Navy Seals – had helped form a cordon with a few others around a suspicious-looking speedboat near Taiwan’s outer islands.

That boat had six engines, a common design for China’s maritime militia, and when the Taiwanese coast guard asked about its mission, the pilot pushed the throttle and punched through.

“There was no name on that ship, but we know it was Chinese,” said Mr Hun, recounting the story officials had told him. “When you don’t see a name, you know it’s suspicious.”

It was one of many collisions and near misses caused by aggressive Chinese tactics near Taiwan, according to maritime officials and boat builders.

On June 3, the US military said a US naval destroyer, the USS Chung-Hoon, slowed to avoid a possible collision with a Chinese navy ship that crossed in front of the Chung-Hoon as it passed through the strait between China and Taiwan.

China’s threat in April to inspect Taiwanese vessels represented another kind of climb up the escalatory ladder. The response to it revealed the blurring lines of aggression at sea.

Taiwan’s Ocean Affairs Council said it responded to China’s threat by employing a coast guard boat of its own as a shadowing force to “prevent mainland China from endangering the freedom of navigation and safety of our citizens”.

A spokesman for Taiwan’s office overseeing relations with Beijing said: “If you interfere, we will hit back.”

A second shipyard near the port in Kaohsiung offered hints of what that might mean.

A new 100-tonne patrol boat bobbed in the water with a strong steel hull rather than the lighter materials of earlier iterations, for protection in case of ramming.

On one of the piers, a 600-tonne coast guard vessel with a fresh coat of white paint waited for engineers to add the same radio and radar that Taiwan’s navy uses.

On the side, there was a wide gap in the hull – for missile launchers, if needed. NYTIMES

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