Xi-Lee summit signals thaw in relations, sends strategic message to Japan, US

SEOUL/BEIJING – Chinese leader Xi Jinping rarely appears in selfies.

But at South Korean President Lee Jae Myung’s request, Mr Xi gamely

posed for one with Mr Lee

at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing after a state banquet held in the latter’s honour on Jan 5. He then posed for another shot with Mr Lee and their spouses.

Mr Xi even quipped after the selfie was taken: “The photo-taking skill is not bad!”

The phone Mr Lee used is a Xiaomi model

gifted by Mr Xi during their first summit

on the sidelines of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) meeting on Nov 1, 2025, in the South Korean city of Gyeongju.

On Jan 6, the selfie of the two presidents trended on Chinese social media platform Weibo, with many netizens praising Mr Lee’s use of the Chinese smartphone. One of them joked: “Xiaomi now has a new brand ambassador!”

This second summit

was held just over nine weeks after their first meeting – an unusually short interval given the recent history of frosty bilateral relations between both countries.

Mr Lee hailed 2026 as the year for “full-scale restoration of South Korea-China relations”, while Mr Xi pledged to “conduct more frequent exchanges and closer communication”.

Beyond the show of new-found chumminess between the two leaders, analysts said the summit also underscores a wider strategic calculus by Beijing, which is shaped by

China’s ongoing tensions with Japan

, as well as its growing rivalry with the United States.

Dr Lee Seong-hyon, a senior fellow at the Washington-based George H.W. Bush Foundation for US-China Relations, said the timing of the second summit – coming so soon after the pair met at APEC – was “no coincidence” and “unmistakably directed at Japan”.

He was referring to the ongoing spat between Beijing and Tokyo over

Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s Taiwan remarks

. Ms Takaichi had suggested in November 2025 that any use of force by Beijing against Taiwan, which China claims as its own, could justify a military response by Japan.

Seoul versus Tokyo

Mr Lee’s visit to China was announced on Dec 30, mere days before he

flew to Beijing on Jan 4

. 

The visit was also rather conveniently timed, taking place just before Mr Lee’s planned summit with Ms Takaichi in the Japanese city of Nara. Japanese media reported in mid-December that both leaders will meet on Jan 13 and 14, but there has been no official confirmation. 

Dr Lee said Mr Xi was employing a classic differentiation strategy.

“The message to Tokyo, and to the Japanese public, is deliberate: Engagement yields respect and tangible benefits, while containment leads to distance,” he told The Straits Times. “By showcasing Seoul’s pragmatism, Mr Xi aims to cast Tokyo’s approach as rigid, subtly shaping the atmosphere ahead of the Lee-Takaichi talks.”

Mr Lee’s four-day trip marks the first South Korean presidential visit to China since 2019. 

Seoul-Beijing ties had been frosty since Seoul’s deployment of the US THAAD missile defence system in 2017 despite Beijing’s protests. Relations remained fraught under the previous conservative Yoon Suk Yeol administration, which sought to align more closely with its US ally. 

By contrast, the new liberal administration helmed by Mr Lee traditionally adopts a more China-friendly approach. 

In a thinly veiled swipe at Japan during the Jan 5 meeting, Mr Xi referenced China and South Korea’s shared struggle against Japanese militarism more than 80 years ago, urging Seoul to stand firmly with Beijing “on the right side of history and make correct strategic choices”. 

Mr Lee caught the drift, responding deftly that both countries had fought side by side to restore lost sovereignties during World War II, and that Seoul and Beijing have a “mutually beneficial partnership that cannot be separated”.

Research fellow Lee Dong-gyu of the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in Seoul told ST that Mr Xi’s comments are a clear indicator that China wants South Korea to support its position against Japan. However, he warned that despite the temptation to play a mediating role, Mr Lee’s administration should avoid being seen as representing China’s position in its dialogue with Japan.

Associate Professor Zhang Guangxin at Zhejiang Gongshang University’s East Asian Institute in Hangzhou said China recognises South Korea’s dilemma of being caught in a “narrow space” amid the China-US rivalry – relying on the US for security while being deeply intertwined with China economically.

But he noted that Beijing also has clear expectations for China-South Korea relations as trade protectionism rises and the regional security environment becomes more volatile. 

Mr Xi had said during the summit that China and South Korea are both beneficiaries of globalisation, and should therefore work together to “oppose protectionism and practise true multilateralism”. 

“If South Korea can adhere to a pragmatic path of not choosing sides and prioritising mutual benefit and win-win outcomes, Seoul may be able to achieve dual gains in both security and economic interests,” noted Prof Zhang.

During the summit, both countries signed 14 memorandums of understanding covering cooperation in industrial exchanges, technology and the environment. 

Mr Lee was accompanied on his visit by some 200 South Korean business leaders, including heads of major conglomerates such as Samsung Electronics, Hyundai Motor Group, SK Group and LG Group. 

The visit also saw the restoration of the

Korea-China Business Forum

after a nine-year hiatus, which Mr Lee attended before his summit with Mr Xi. In his opening remarks at the forum, Mr Lee called for greater cooperation in the manufacturing sector and active exchanges in cultural content with China. 

China has been South Korea’s largest trading partner for 21 consecutive years, with bilateral trade hovering around US$300 billion (S$384 billion) annually. 

US rivalry, North Korea

The Washington-based Dr Lee believed that Mr Xi also timed the summit with Mr Lee ahead of US leader Donald Trump’s

planned visit to Beijing in April

, and with the US midterm elections looming in November.

“In the context of the long-term, drawn-out US-China rivalry, Mr Xi wants his periphery stabilised before that moment arrives. By locking in 14 cooperation agreements now, particularly in supply chains, Mr Xi is effectively constructing a diplomatic firewall,” said Dr Lee.

“The objective is to reduce Seoul’s manoeuvrability as a potential bargaining chip for Washington when Mr Trump enters the room,” he added.

“From Beijing’s perspective, this is about securing what it sees as the critical pivot point in the US alliance network before the principal adversary engages directly.” 

Despite promises of greater cooperation, there appeared to be little progress on Seoul’s other key priorities in meeting with Beijing: North Korea, and

South Korea’s dispute with China

over the latter’s structures in the West Sea, known as the Yellow Sea in China.

Professor Leif-Eric Easley of the Ewha Womans University in Seoul said that “despite Seoul’s diplomatic efforts, China has not adopted more internationally responsible policies on maritime disputes or Pyongyang’s nuclear threats”.

While the Chinese Foreign Ministry’s readout of the summit did not include references to North Korea nor the West Sea/Yellow Sea, South Korea’s presidential office issued a written briefing on Jan 5, saying that both leaders had “shared recognition” for transforming the West Sea/Yellow Sea into a “peaceful and co-prosperous sea” and that China had assured Mr Lee of its willingness to play a constructive role in the peace and stability of the Korean peninsula. 

As part of his visit, Mr Lee also met Chinese Premier Li Qiang and China’s top legislator, Mr Zhao Leji, on Jan 6, before heading to Shanghai where he will meet the city’s party secretary, Mr Chen Jining. Mr Lee will also attend the Korea-China Venture Startup Summit before returning to Seoul on Jan 7.