JAKARTA - A popular quip among the more politically aware in Indonesia is that on Feb 14, when the country elected Mr Prabowo Subianto as its next president, Indonesia unknowingly also chose its new de facto foreign minister.

In the seven months since securing about 59 per cent of some 200 million votes, Mr Prabowo has visited over 10 countries, including Singapore, China, Japan, Russia and Australia. Though he travelled as the defence minister, he was introduced as Indonesia’s incoming leader and met key ministers and presidents during these trips.

Such engagements and statements have impressed Indonesians like media content producer Bayu Arasy. The 23-year-old told The Straits Times he is looking forward to the President-elect’s term, given how Mr Prabowo has “the right focus” in growing Indonesia’s role globally.

“By being proactive in the international area, Mr Prabowo is expected to make Indonesia communicate with ease with other countries, (and to) play a role as a mediator to resolve conflicts when needed,” said Mr Bayu.

Experts and everyday Indonesians, reflecting on Mr Prabowo’s recent moves and his past, suggest that when he takes over on Oct 20, the 72-year-old is poised to be a president with a strong focus on foreign policy, aiming to elevate Indonesia’s global standing.

But beyond strengthening Indonesia’s global presence, many people hope he will remain committed to his election promise of improving citizens’ lives and prove his critics wrong by upholding democracy, resisting the authoritarian reputation that has shadowed him.

Very soon after his election victory, Mr Prabowo made it clear that foreign policy would be a central focus of his administration.

Less than 50 days after the polls, during a meeting with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, he pushed for deeper security and economic cooperation. This came just two days after expressing a desire for closer ties with Chinese President Xi Jinping.

Mr Prabowo’s approach to global affairs was not limited to these diplomatic visits. On April 26, The Economist published an article he wrote, accusing the West of double standards in its handling of the Israel-Hamas conflict and pointing out how Ukrainian war victims seemed to be valued more than those in Gaza.

This sharp critique was seen as a significant shift from Indonesia’s traditional “bebas-aktif”, or free and active, foreign policy, where the nation typically avoids siding with any global power blocs.

His stance on Gaza remained firm, and in June, Mr Prabowo made headlines for attending a high-level humanitarian conference in the Gaza Strip. He also announced Indonesia’s readiness to welcome 1,000 Palestinian refugees, offering them sanctuary in Islamic boarding schools in East Java.

Ms Julia Lau, senior fellow at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore and co-coordinator of its Indonesia Studies Programme, said Mr Prabowo’s presidency will see him playing a more direct role in foreign policy compared with his predecessor, Mr Joko Widodo. Each president’s term is five years.

Said Ms Lau: “The incoming president is personally more comfortable meeting foreign counterparts and has had the past decade to work on his ties to his defence minister peers but also a lifetime of exposure, starting from when he was very young, to foreign cultures and experiences.”

Mr Prabowo’s father, Mr Sumitro Djojohadikusumo, had a political and academic career. As a result, the family lived in several countries, including the United States and Britain. Mr Prabowo attended schools in various countries, including in Switzerland and the US, where he gained exposure to Western education and culture.

While Mr Prabowo will still need a competent Foreign Ministry, he will have an “outsized impact” on Indonesia’s future foreign policy direction, said Ms Lau. Her colleague at the institute, visiting fellow Made Supriatma, agreed, noting the impression that Mr Prabowo is seeking to “personally manage” Indonesia’s foreign policy.

Where Mr Widodo, a former furniture salesman, approached Indonesia from the perspective of the lower Javanese middle class, Mr Prabowo is aiming not only for a prosperous archipelago, but also a “strong, internationally respected nation”, said Mr Made.

“Prabowo has always envisioned himself as a modern-day Sukarno,” said Mr Made, referring to Indonesia’s first president. Sukarno is widely seen to have led Indonesia’s fight for independence from Dutch colonial rule.

Mr Made added: “He emulated Sukarno in many ways – his clothing, the way he wore his peci (headgear)... even his interest in foreign policy. Like Sukarno, Prabowo sees himself as a potential leader of the Third World. He envisions Indonesia as a nation of grandeur.”

Nations around the world are getting more interdependent on one another, and this, coupled with Mr Prabowo’s experience as a defence minister working with his global counterparts, means he is more aware of the importance of international relations, said Mr Muhammad Habib Abiyan Dzakwan from the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Indonesia, a think-tank.

“He puts in so much effort to meet other world leaders to signal that he is into foreign relations and Indonesia will likely be more outward-looking under his leadership,” said Mr Habib, a researcher in the think-tank’s department of international relations.

Recently in July and August, Mr Prabowo toured France and other countries in Europe, Turkey and Russia, meeting leaders of these countries, including Russian President Vladimir Putin, to discuss bilateral cooperation.

Such visits are seen to be a more in-person style of foreign policy, said Dr Ahmad Rizky Umar, a postdoctoral research fellow at Aberystwyth University in Wales.

In a piece for the Lowy Institute titled “Prabowo puts the ‘i’ in foreign policy”, Dr Ahmad described how Mr Prabowo’s approach diverges from the current President.

“This contrasts with Jokowi’s more low-profile approach, in which he employs multilateralism, less engagement at the presidential level and delegation to Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi,” he said.

But amid the focus on the world stage, Indonesians told ST they hope they will not be forgotten.

Ms Diana Savitri, a 54-year-old housewife, said her wishes for Mr Prabowo’s presidency include bringing down food prices, creating jobs for graduates, lower tuition fees at schools and free care at hospitals.

“There should be proper jobs for fresh graduates. Nowadays, there are so many high school and university graduates who cannot land jobs,” she said.

Indonesia’s statistics board in May said nearly 10 million Gen Z Indonesians, who were born between 1997 and 2012, are unemployed and not enrolled in any formal education or training programmes.

The report also found that unemployment among those aged 20 to 24 has been on the rise in recent years, climbing from 12.86 per cent in 2015, to 17.02 per cent in 2022.

“If the tuition fees are free, staple foods are available at cheap prices and jobs are abundant, our country will be able to move forward,” said Ms Diana.

Another concern is the rising cost of living, which together with stagnating wages has shrunk the middle class in Indonesia.

The country’s middle class fell from 57.33 million in 2019, to 47.85 million in 2024. At the same time, the lower aspiring middle class has grown to 137.5 million – almost half of the population.

The drop in the middle class population, seen as the driving force for economic growth, has rung alarm bells. Many are concerned about the growing costs of essential expenses such as food and housing, which means they have less for savings or investments.

Mr Prabowo tapped the anxiety of such pressures when he formulated his presidential campaign’s flagship free lunch programme. The scheme, which will cost 71 trillion rupiah (S$5.9 billion) in 2025, aims to provide free lunch for all children in Indonesia, and has already started trials.

Another move by the President-elect was to announce in September his intention to establish a ministry for housing, as part of his target to construct 15 million homes by the end of his term.

Ms Lau pointed out how, based on survey data, poorer Indonesians tended to vote for Mr Prabowo. “Certainly, Indonesians will expect him to help ameliorate inflation and other difficulties they face,” she said.

The free lunch policy suggests that Mr Prabowo’s presidency may prioritise providing immediate, tangible benefits to everyday Indonesians, particularly in addressing cost-of-living pressures, said Mr Dedi Dinarto, the lead Indonesia analyst at public policy advisory firm Global Counsel.

Longevity is, however, a question that comes up, and Mr Dedi noted it remains unclear how this policy might extend beyond Mr Prabowo’s term.

“While the free lunch policy could reflect a genuine commitment to social welfare, it might also become a prominent but limited initiative,” he said.

There are already critics of Mr Prabowo’s welfare programmes. Mr Amin, a 52-year-old from Surabaya, said rather than food, other costs like education should be looked at.

Mr Amin, who like many Indonesians goes by one name, said he spent around 32 million rupiah to enrol his daughter in a “costly” midwifery programme at a university in East Java.

“I disagree with the free nutritious meal programme. Providing higher education for free will be more impactful for Indonesia,” he said.

Beyond just disagreeing with his policies, many Indonesians are eager to see how the President-elect will conduct himself and if he can overcome his critics.

Mr Prabowo, a former son-in-law of the late dictator Suharto, served as commander of the Kopassus special forces but was discharged after allegations that Kopassus soldiers kidnapped and tortured political activists in 1998.

While he has denied these claims and has never been formally charged, similar accusations of human rights abuses have been raised regarding his actions in Timor-Leste and Papua.

The incoming administration will face several humanitarian challenges, according to Mr Made at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. He noted that many people will be watching closely to see how Mr Prabowo handles criticism, especially from civil society, given the unrest in Papua and conflicts related to extractive industries like mining and plantations.

“If civil society’s distrust of Prabowo remains high and he continues with this outdated approach, we can anticipate clashes between his administration and these groups,” said Mr Made.

Observers have also noted that it seems like Mr Prabowo has been consolidating power by bringing more and more political parties into his governing coalition, sparking concerns about the weakening of democratic checks and balances.

In August, the NasDem party, which accounts for nearly 10 per cent of the country’s Parliament, said it would support his Onward Indonesia Coalition, raising its stake in Parliament from 43 per cent to a majority 52 per cent.

Despite these concerns, recent nationwide street protests have not yet led to significant unrest. In response to demonstrations against a controversial Bill that would have barred key rivals from regional elections, Mr Prabowo voiced support for the protesters.

On Aug 28, he sided with them in upholding Indonesia’s Constitution while condemning politicians who prioritise their own interests, in a move seen as an effort to secure public backing ahead of taking office.

Mr Alfian Septianto Nugroho, a 22-year-old recent graduate of the IPB University in Bogor in West Java, said he is not fazed by any allegations or past criticisms of Mr Prabowo, and is willing to give the incoming leader a chance.

“He will come in with a new character because he will take up his responsibility as a leader (of the nation),” said Mr Alfian.

“He will be able to manage his temper as he represents the country and deals with other countries that are even stronger than Indonesia.”