European officials have been known to express regret of failure that their own societies, mired in economic malaise and ethnic tension over migrants, proved fertile recruitment grounds for the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS).
The regret could apply to any number of failures to tackle root problems that have prompted lone wolves to strike fear in major European cities, at tourist attractions in North Africa, and in Shi'ite mosques in the Gulf.
Thousands of Europeans, Arabs and others were also moved to join ISIS as foreign fighters; and tens of thousands have sought refuge in Europe from civil war, brutal repression and economic despair.
BAND-AID SOLUTIONS, KNEE-JERK RESPONSES
Across the board, democracies and autocracies alike are experiencing the blowback of decades of Band-Aid solutions, policies that failed to give youth prospects for a future with a stake in society, and repression largely unchallenged by Western governments that pay lip service to adherence to political pluralism, inclusiveness, and human and minority rights in various parts of the world, particularly the Middle East and North Africa.
In the latest examples of knee-jerk responses, Tunisia is deploying 1,000 armed policemen to tourist sites even as tourists leave the country en masse, and closing 80 mosques suspected of hosting radical clerics, which is likely to push militants further underground.
Kuwait, which displayed a remarkable degree of inclusivity with Sunnis and Shias joining hands in their condemnation of the bombing of a Shi'ite mosque that left 27 people dead and more than 200 others wounded, is mulling over the adoption of a stringent anti-terrorism law while France is passing legislation that would authorise sweeping surveillance.
None of these measures address the sense of hopelessness that pervades predominantly Muslim minorities in Europe, which is reinforced by increased prejudice sparked by violence and brutality perpetrated by Muslim extremists. That hopelessness is matched by despair and existential fears among youth, minorities and alienated sects in the Middle East and North Africa.
In an article in the London Review Of Books, Patrick Cockburn quoted a 29-year-old Syrian who fights for ISIS as saying: "We are fighting because both the regime and the opposition failed us, so we need an armed organisation to fight for our rights." His words could just as well have been spoken by a European or a fighter from anywhere else in the Arab world.
Rather than reducing political violence, more than a decade of war on terrorism has produced ever more virulent forms of extremism and flows of refugees. The war on terrorism had framed efforts to counter radicalisation and persuaded Western governments to revert to support of Middle Eastern and North African autocrats in the name of ensuring stability.
In a display of cynicism, Western governments have exploited their support of autocracy to secure lucrative arms deals while failing to ensure levels of aid that would credibly address social and economic malaise in a country like Tunisia that is struggling with the transition from autocracy to democracy.
The result of exclusively security-focused approaches, coupled with the exploitation of economic opportunity, is an increasingly insecure world in which Western and regional powers have proven incapable of defeating non-state actors like ISIS, multiple militant militias in Libya, Islamist insurgents in Egypt's Sinai, and rebel Houthis in Yemen.
Meanwhile, European nations are struggling to cope with an onslaught of refugees forced, in part, to flee their homelands by the policies of the very autocracies the West supports. Those autocracies refused to absorb some of those fleeing conflicts in, for example, Syria, Yemen and Iraq, that they have helped fuel.
Obviously, Western governments have a responsibility to put their own homes in order by matching lofty words of inclusiveness with actions that address high youth unemployment in migrant communities, lack of equal opportunity, and ensure that minorities are embraced as full-fledged members of society rather than perceived as a fifth column.
At the same time, Western governments have to take a lead in pushing Middle Eastern and North African autocrats to change or drop policies that fuel radicalisation and take measures that address widespread grievances.
Such measures would include:
•A halt to the global propagation of intolerant ideologies by some Middle Eastern governments and state-sponsored groups such as Saudi Arabia's interpretation of Wahhabism that contrasts starkly with that of Qatar, the world's only other Wahhabi state;
•Abolition of sectarianism in state rhetoric;
•Recognition of minority rights;
•Reform of brutal police and security forces that are widely feared and despised;
•Granting of greater freedoms to ensure the existence of release valves for pent-up anger and frustration and the unfettered voicing of grievances;
•A crackdown on corruption;
•Reform of education systems that produce a mismatch between market demand and graduates' skills.
To be sure, there is no magic wand that will overnight turn the tide or definitively eradicate extremism.
But there are a host of steps that governments could take that go beyond desperately needed social and economic policies that would create jobs and give youth a prospect for the future.
Such measures would start addressing root causes of extremism in a bid to persuade those segments of society susceptible to radicalisation that they have a stake in working within the system.
•The writer is a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, and co-director of the Institute of Fan Culture of the University of Wurzburg, Germany.
•A longer version of this article appeared in RSIS Commentaries.
A version of this article appeared in the print edition of The Straits Times on July 01, 2015, with the headline 'Countering political violence: Tackle the root causes'. Print Edition | Subscribe
We have been experiencing some problems with subscriber log-ins and apologise for the inconvenience caused. Until we resolve the issues, subscribers need not log in to access ST Digital articles. But a log-in is still required for our PDFs.