Some credit him with helping to transform a young Third World nation into a stable developing country and - for a time at least - turning a fledgling economy into one of the Asian tigers.

Others, especially the political dissidents persecuted during his rule, take a less positive view.

To 36-year-old businesswoman Augry Monica, he was 'a hero, a firm leader of the type needed by a country like Indonesia'.

And she points out: 'Since he stepped down, the situation hasn't got much better - there is even more corruption now than before.'

Company executive Barito Riviera, 35, agrees: 'There was a sense of stability back then, in politics, economy, security.'

And, referring to sectarian riots and the closure of a string of churches by Muslim militants in recent years, Mr Riviera, a Christian, adds: 'Most of all, there was greater religious tolerance.'

But the iron-fist style of leadership and tight political control with which the late president achieved these things did not go down well with many others - especially the political dissidents persecuted during his rule.

Mr Budiman Sudjatmiko, a former pro-democracy student activist who was 31/2 years into a 13-year prison sentence when Mr Suharto stepped down in 1998, says that he bears no grudges.

But the 37-year-old, who is now an executive of the Indonesian Democratic Party - Struggle, adds: 'There were many others who suffered more than me, being kidnapped or killed for their political beliefs.'

And he points out: 'The fact that he remained legally untouched after he stepped down, despite attempts to prosecute him for alleged corruption, makes it hard for this country to move on.'

A more positive assessment is given by former attorney-general Marzuki Darusman, a member of the Golkar Party which Mr Suharto founded.

While acknowledging the corruption and lack of human rights under the former strongman, he feels that, with time, Indonesia would come to recognise his achievements.

'He built a strong foundation for the state, he had an ability to realise potential and help this country reach its big goals,' Mr Marzuki says.

'All these he achieved at the cost of democracy and human rights, but we must see it in the context of a young nation - it is part of our journey as a nation.'

While founding president Sukarno was a nation-builder, Mr Suharto was a 'state-builder', says Mr Marzuki.

A former minister in Mr Suharto's Cabinet, Mr Siswono Yudho Husodo, has also described the autocrat as a good listener and someone who paid attention to detail and took in all the information from his aides before making a decision.

Speaking to Metro TV yesterday, Mr Siswono added: 'Once he made a decision, he never backed down - it was his military background that made him such a firm leader.'

Economist Pande Radja Silalahi credits Mr Suharto with Indonesia's success in achieving self-sufficiency in food supply in early 1980.

'There was a sense of direction and consistency in his leadership,' he says.

'In 32 years, Indonesia's economy grew by an average of 6.8 per cent, and per capita income rose fourfold.'

Others see Mr Suharto as neither pure hero nor villain.

Political observer Jusuf Wanandi, who was involved in the 1960s student movement that helped bring Mr Suharto to power, calls him an 'unfulfilled hero'.

'One of his achievements is that he created the middle class - the same middle class which later brought about democracy in Indonesia,' he says.

Mr Suharto's other main achievement was a balanced foreign policy that helped boost Indonesia's international standing, he points out.

Mr Jusuf also says the attention that the former strongman paid to the farm sector, education, health care and family planning programmes reaped early benefits.

But he adds: 'Unfortunately, he undermined the early achievements himself with corruption and abuse of power, and his programmes later became half-baked in execution.'

But whatever Indonesians' views of their former leader's legacy are, most are united in the belief that his insistence on clinging onto power for three decades was his undoing.

'By 1996, he was 75 and was clearly too tired and his leadership was declining,' says Mr Siswono.

Mr Jusuf concurs: 'He stayed too long and did not prepare the next generation of leadership.

'In the end, he became a Javanese king who would rule forever, instead of the leader he set out to be.'

asmarani@sph.com.sg

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