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THE centenary of David Marshall's birthday is an appropriate occasion to commemorate his contributions to the administration of justice in Singapore and to evaluate his place in Singapore's legal history.
His legal career spanned four decades - 1938-1942 and 1946-1978 - during which he defended hundreds of criminal defendants and also many detainees under the public order and security laws. Marshall's most famous and sensational cases were trials before juries and assessors.
Alex Josey has written about some of them in his book The David Marshall Trials. He called one of them The Miracle Case. Many people believed Marshall was capable of performing miracles in court.
I was once privileged to have been asked to act as his junior counsel on some point of company law, but he did not need my assistance as he persuaded Justice Kulasekaran to dismiss the case on a preliminary point.
He was undoubtedly the greatest criminal advocate that has ever graced the halls of justice in Singapore and Malaya - a giant among pygmies at the criminal Bar, including the prosecutors. If Marshall had practised in England, he would have been another Edward Marshall-Hall, definitely greater on a verdict count of acquittals.
In 1955, Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew, when debating the Preservation of Public Security Bill which Marshall, then chief minister, had introduced, said: 'I have always been an admirer of his tactics in court, for he is the supreme advocate of the strategy of attack when you are on the defensive.'
Mr Lee further acknowledged - not once, but twice - Marshall's flair and inclination for colourful metaphor.
According to Dennis Bloodworth, a legal colleague had told him:
'He goes to court like a good counsel ready to defend his client whatever he privately thinks of him. He's a great actor, and by the end (of the case) he not only convinced the court that the man must be freed, but convinced himself that he is innocent. It's only after he comes out into the sunshine that he says, 'Good God, what have I done? I have just abetted a crime'.'
Marshall is reported to have commented: 'Only once did I feel uncomfortable. I always felt good helping to free a human being from the threat of official murder.'
As a criminal lawyer
ON MANY occasions, Marshall was able to produce creative and novel legal arguments based on the textual readings of the Constitution and the related statutes. His many fine points of criminal procedure and evidence left many prosecutors befuddled and, in many cases, also persuaded the lowest to the highest courts to agree with him.
But what were Marshall's ideas on the kind of criminal justice system appropriate for Singapore? We know that he was the leading proponent and defender of jury trials, especially for murder.
In 1978, he delivered the Braddell Memorial Lecture where he expounded his ideas on the subject. He compared the merits and demerits of the common law adversarial trial (which he identified as a trial of the person) with the civil law inquisitorial investigation (which he identified as an investigation of the offence). Both seek the truth in their own way.
He admitted his bias for the adversarial system, but suggested that it should seek the truth within the framework of human dignity. He described the system as 'magnificent' but 'less than perfect'.
Marshall expressed the hope that his lecture would start a movement among academics and practitioners to recast a criminal procedure for Singapore that reflected its values, needs and resources. In this regard, he was a legal nationalist, but it is difficult to tell what kind of criminal justice process he had in mind.
He could have been expressing his disapproval of the 1976 amendments to the Criminal Procedure Code and the Evidence Act. These amendments were revolutionary in 1976 as they departed quite radically from the existing due-process model in the direction of the crime-control model.
Two models of criminal process
LET me sketch the features of the criminal justice process that was in place in Singapore before 1976.
We then had an investigative and trial process regulated by the Criminal Procedure Code and the Evidence Act which basically provided the framework for a common-law trial process which was highly admired, if not revered, in England at that time. The fundamental principle was the presumption of innocence.
This meant that:
The prosecution must prove every ingredient of the offence against the accused beyond a reasonable doubt.
The accused had the right to remain silent at any stage of the criminal justice process, from investigation to trial.
The accused had the right not to incriminate himself, except in restricted circumstances.
The accused's statements to the police were not admissible except in restricted circumstances.
He had the right to give an unsworn statement from the dock.
All evidence, even if true, was not admissible if it might have a prejudicial effect on the jury.
The practice of the courts was to require strict compliance with the rules of evidence and procedure.
In a 1964 paper on the criminal justice process in the United States, Professor Herbert Packer of Stanford University described two models of criminal justice process - namely, due process and crime control. This paper has since been regarded as one of the most important contributions to systematic thought about criminal justice.
Under the due-process model, criminal justice looks like an obstacle course, consisting of a series of obstacles to the conviction of what Prof Packer called the factually guilty on the premise that it was better to let 10 guilty men go free than to convict an innocent one.
Marshall achieved great success under this system. Many other lesser lights also shone. But it was inevitable that the prosecution would sooner or later take note of the defects (from its point of view) of the process which had been so ably and amply demonstrated by Marshall. It must have led the Government to rethink seriously the objectives of the criminal justice process and how to achieve those objectives.
The features of the crime-control model (as identified by Prof Packer) are:
The repression of crime should be the most important function of criminal justice because order is a necessary condition for a free society.
Criminal justice should concentrate on vindicating victims' rights rather than on protecting defendants' rights.
Police powers should be expanded to make it easier to investigate, arrest, search, seize and convict.
Legal technicalities that handcuff the police should be eliminated.
If the police make an arrest and a prosecutor files criminal charges, the accused should be presumed guilty because the fact finding of police and prosecutors is highly reliable.
The criminal justice process should operate like an assembly-line conveyor belt, moving cases swiftly along towards their disposition.
The main objective of the criminal justice process should be to discover the truth or to establish the factual guilt of the accused.
The 1976 amendments introduced in Singapore many features of the crime-control model. The more important ones are:
In the realm of police investigations: Essentially all statements made by an accused to a police officer in the course of investigation, except an involuntary confession, would be admissible in evidence. The accused is cautioned that he must disclose any fact he intended to rely on in court, and that if he failed to do so, his evidence might be less likely to be believed if he mentioned it in court later.
In trial procedure: If the accused is called upon to enter his defence, he has no right to make an unsworn statement from the dock. He must give evidence on oath or affirmation and subject himself to cross-examination. If he elects not to give evidence, the court may draw an adverse inference against him.
These two broad changes led to an increase in the conviction of the factually guilty through pleas of guilt or at trials. Crime control was strengthened with the use of rebuttable and irrebuttable presumptions in substantive offences. These developments, together with better and more dedicated and efficient law enforcement, have reduced the crime rate over the years and made Singapore a safer place to live in.
Marshall, as defence counsel, would not have approved of such a system. But as a citizen, he made the following remark in his Braddell Memorial Lecture: 'Truth can at times be purchased at too great a cost to society, and countries that conceived the ascertainment of truth as the sole object of criminal procedure have been driven by irrefutable logic to introduce and rely on torture as the main instrument of such procedure.'
Perhaps he was hinting that the 1976 amendments went too far. Maybe he was merely making a debating point since, in 1978, the law was (and still is today) that involuntary confessions were not admissible in evidence. The best answer to his concern would be to institutionalise a corps of competent, honest and professional police investigators - like the French investigating judges - imbued with the desire only to ascertain the truth and not to achieve a good clearance rate.
As a constitutional lawyer
MARSHALL was certainly the best constitutional and administrative law advocate of the day. But success in court eluded him, due to no fault of his, but because the structure of the law defeated him. Only one success is reported in the Malayan Law Journal.
Marshall was an exemplary advocate in such cases: He argued purely on legal principles and carefully avoided bringing politics into the courts. He had great respect for the judges even though they ruled against him in case after case.
In 1955, when he was chief minister, Marshall moved the Legislative Assembly to enact the Preservation of Public Security Order (PPSO) Bill to replace the Emergency Regulations. The PPSO allowed the chief secretary to detain a person for a period not exceeding two years if the governor was satisfied that the detention was necessary to prevent that person from acting in any manner prejudicial to the security of Malaya, the maintenance of public order or the maintenance of essential services. The PPSO was subsequently replaced by the Internal Security Act (ISA) after Singapore left Malaysia.
Marshall lost all his PPSO and ISA cases because he could not persuade the local courts to lift the veil of subjective satisfaction of the ministers, both in Singapore and Malaya.
In his first case under the PPSO in 1959, he argued that the PPSO which made provision for extraterritorial matters - namely the security of the Federation of Malaya - was ultra vires to that extent as the Legislative Assembly, being a subordinate legislature, had no extraterritorial jurisdiction. Here, Marshall, like a true lawyer, argued that the law he had introduced as chief minister was ultra vires.
The judge rejected it, and also decided that the grounds of detention supplied to the detainee could not be challenged for inadequacy as the governor's satisfaction was a subjective judgment and the court could not inquire into whether in fact the governor had reasonable grounds for being satisfied that the detention was necessary.
How should I conclude? David Marshall will always remain a criminal lawyer nonpareil in Singapore's legal history. As a constitutional lawyer, his creativity was circumscribed but not wholly stifled. I would like to believe that, in the fullness of time, Marshall might be regarded as the Cicero of Singapore.
The full text of CJ Chan's speech is available at www.sal.org.sg
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